Patacôncio
09-11-2004, 00:12
Se este tipo ficar à frente da Palestina, aposto que a PAZ é possível em menos de 10 anos. A ver vamos... :rolleyes: :rolleyes: :cool:
Um adversário do terrorismo à frente da Palestina? (http://www.iht.com/articles/2004/11/07/news/abbas.html)
JERUSALEM Mahmoud Abbas wears a business suit, not a military uniform and kaffiyeh. He is a former elementary school teacher - studious, gracious, pragmatic and opposed to terrorism. He is also tough enough to have been Yasser Arafat's No. 2 for many years in the Palestine Liberation Organization, now becoming his probable successor.
.
In many ways, he was a crucial Arafat adviser, one of the few Palestinians who studied Israeli history and politics, even as some regarded him as a traitor for doing so. "He studies issues intellectually and then tries to draw political conclusions," said Yossi Beilin, an Israeli politician who negotiated the draft of a peace treaty with Abbas.
.
Abbas has criticized the current intifada openly as "a complete destruction of everything we built," having said in June, "We call upon all factions to end the attacks as we wish to take the path toward negotiation. We seek a dialogue that will bring calm."
.
Reluctantly, in March 2003, he accepted the new post of prime minister of the Palestinian Authority because Arafat and the United States wanted him to. It was a vain effort by outsiders to dilute Arafat's power, but Arafat, never a fool when power is at stake, undermined Abbas from the start, helped by the Israeli prime minister, Ariel Sharon, and Abbas quit in disgust four months later. He even quit the central committee of Fatah, Arafat's faction in the Palestine Liberation Organization.
.
A joke at the time has Arafat and Abbas in a car, and Arafat keeps warning him, "Watch out!" Finally, Abbas complains: "But you're driving!"
.
Now Arafat is apparently on his deathbed and Abbas, also known as Abu Mazen, is moving into the driver's seat. He is placing the current prime minister, Ahmed Qurei, or Abu Ala, next to him.
.
It will be an enormous test for both, but it is Abbas, 69, who will be the most visible Palestinian leader - and the one with the most clout, once he takes over, as expected, as the chairman of the PLO and Fatah, its largest faction.
.
As decent and thoughtful as he is, Beilin warned, Abbas has strong views about the right of the Palestinians to share Jerusalem and about the fair treatment of Palestinian refugees from 1948. To secure his position, Abbas cannot appear to be weaker than Arafat on central questions of Palestinian identity and self-respect. "Abu Mazen is good for the peace camps on both sides," said Beilin, who met with Abbas recently, "but don't expect him to be a 'moderate Palestinian' - he's a pragmatic one."
.
Equally important, Abbas has his own channels to militant groups, especially Hamas, which is powerful in Gaza. When he was prime minister, he worked out a short-lived cease-fire with them and the Israelis. "Hamas respects Abu Mazen," Beilin said.
.
But Hamas has its own demands in the new collective leadership. It has been asking, at least in Gaza, for a monopoly on the education system, for a requirement that women wear veils and for autonomy in the mosques, so that the Palestinian Authority can no longer replace imams.
.
Those are the kinds of internal issues that Abbas will face, Western hopes for final peace settlements aside, and how he responds to them will be watched very closely by Palestinians and Israelis.
.
Abbas is not a natural politician, however. He is described by associates as easily offended, one reason that he stayed away from politics, never becoming a legislator or a minister before the job of prime minister was created and became his. It is also why he has no wider political or local base among ordinary Palestinians.
.
Abbas was an early Palestinian voice advocating negotiations with Israel and an eventual recognition of it. He initiated dialogue with Jewish and pacifist movements in the 1970s, pushed for a two-state solution, coordinated negotiations at the Madrid conference and headed the Palestinian delegation in secret talks with the Israelis and Beilin that led to the 1993 Oslo accords.
.
.
Beilin said, "A lot depends on the good will of Israel, and whether we want to help the moderate leadership or not. We didn't before."
.
Raanan Gissin, an adviser to Sharon, said Israel was aware of the opportunities. "Down the road at least there's some reason for hope," he said. "We won't do anything to hamper or torpedo any emerging leader who wants to change the course."
.
JERUSALEM Mahmoud Abbas wears a business suit, not a military uniform and kaffiyeh. He is a former elementary school teacher - studious, gracious, pragmatic and opposed to terrorism. He is also tough enough to have been Yasser Arafat's No. 2 for many years in the Palestine Liberation Organization, now becoming his probable successor.
.
In many ways, he was a crucial Arafat adviser, one of the few Palestinians who studied Israeli history and politics, even as some regarded him as a traitor for doing so. "He studies issues intellectually and then tries to draw political conclusions," said Yossi Beilin, an Israeli politician who negotiated the draft of a peace treaty with Abbas.
.
Abbas has criticized the current intifada openly as "a complete destruction of everything we built," having said in June, "We call upon all factions to end the attacks as we wish to take the path toward negotiation. We seek a dialogue that will bring calm."
.
Reluctantly, in March 2003, he accepted the new post of prime minister of the Palestinian Authority because Arafat and the United States wanted him to. It was a vain effort by outsiders to dilute Arafat's power, but Arafat, never a fool when power is at stake, undermined Abbas from the start, helped by the Israeli prime minister, Ariel Sharon, and Abbas quit in disgust four months later. He even quit the central committee of Fatah, Arafat's faction in the Palestine Liberation Organization.
.
A joke at the time has Arafat and Abbas in a car, and Arafat keeps warning him, "Watch out!" Finally, Abbas complains: "But you're driving!"
.
Now Arafat is apparently on his deathbed and Abbas, also known as Abu Mazen, is moving into the driver's seat. He is placing the current prime minister, Ahmed Qurei, or Abu Ala, next to him.
.
It will be an enormous test for both, but it is Abbas, 69, who will be the most visible Palestinian leader - and the one with the most clout, once he takes over, as expected, as the chairman of the PLO and Fatah, its largest faction.
.
As decent and thoughtful as he is, Beilin warned, Abbas has strong views about the right of the Palestinians to share Jerusalem and about the fair treatment of Palestinian refugees from 1948. To secure his position, Abbas cannot appear to be weaker than Arafat on central questions of Palestinian identity and self-respect. "Abu Mazen is good for the peace camps on both sides," said Beilin, who met with Abbas recently, "but don't expect him to be a 'moderate Palestinian' - he's a pragmatic one."
.
Equally important, Abbas has his own channels to militant groups, especially Hamas, which is powerful in Gaza. When he was prime minister, he worked out a short-lived cease-fire with them and the Israelis. "Hamas respects Abu Mazen," Beilin said.
.
But Hamas has its own demands in the new collective leadership. It has been asking, at least in Gaza, for a monopoly on the education system, for a requirement that women wear veils and for autonomy in the mosques, so that the Palestinian Authority can no longer replace imams.
.
Those are the kinds of internal issues that Abbas will face, Western hopes for final peace settlements aside, and how he responds to them will be watched very closely by Palestinians and Israelis.
.
Abbas is not a natural politician, however. He is described by associates as easily offended, one reason that he stayed away from politics, never becoming a legislator or a minister before the job of prime minister was created and became his. It is also why he has no wider political or local base among ordinary Palestinians.
.
Abbas was an early Palestinian voice advocating negotiations with Israel and an eventual recognition of it. He initiated dialogue with Jewish and pacifist movements in the 1970s, pushed for a two-state solution, coordinated negotiations at the Madrid conference and headed the Palestinian delegation in secret talks with the Israelis and Beilin that led to the 1993 Oslo accords.
.
.
Beilin said, "A lot depends on the good will of Israel, and whether we want to help the moderate leadership or not. We didn't before."
.
Raanan Gissin, an adviser to Sharon, said Israel was aware of the opportunities. "Down the road at least there's some reason for hope," he said. "We won't do anything to hamper or torpedo any emerging leader who wants to change the course."
.
JERUSALEM Mahmoud Abbas wears a business suit, not a military uniform and kaffiyeh. He is a former elementary school teacher - studious, gracious, pragmatic and opposed to terrorism. He is also tough enough to have been Yasser Arafat's No. 2 for many years in the Palestine Liberation Organization, now becoming his probable successor.
.
In many ways, he was a crucial Arafat adviser, one of the few Palestinians who studied Israeli history and politics, even as some regarded him as a traitor for doing so. "He studies issues intellectually and then tries to draw political conclusions," said Yossi Beilin, an Israeli politician who negotiated the draft of a peace treaty with Abbas.
.
Abbas has criticized the current intifada openly as "a complete destruction of everything we built," having said in June, "We call upon all factions to end the attacks as we wish to take the path toward negotiation. We seek a dialogue that will bring calm."
.
Reluctantly, in March 2003, he accepted the new post of prime minister of the Palestinian Authority because Arafat and the United States wanted him to. It was a vain effort by outsiders to dilute Arafat's power, but Arafat, never a fool when power is at stake, undermined Abbas from the start, helped by the Israeli prime minister, Ariel Sharon, and Abbas quit in disgust four months later. He even quit the central committee of Fatah, Arafat's faction in the Palestine Liberation Organization.
.
A joke at the time has Arafat and Abbas in a car, and Arafat keeps warning him, "Watch out!" Finally, Abbas complains: "But you're driving!"
.
Now Arafat is apparently on his deathbed and Abbas, also known as Abu Mazen, is moving into the driver's seat. He is placing the current prime minister, Ahmed Qurei, or Abu Ala, next to him.
.
It will be an enormous test for both, but it is Abbas, 69, who will be the most visible Palestinian leader - and the one with the most clout, once he takes over, as expected, as the chairman of the PLO and Fatah, its largest faction.
.
As decent and thoughtful as he is, Beilin warned, Abbas has strong views about the right of the Palestinians to share Jerusalem and about the fair treatment of Palestinian refugees from 1948. To secure his position, Abbas cannot appear to be weaker than Arafat on central questions of Palestinian identity and self-respect. "Abu Mazen is good for the peace camps on both sides," said Beilin, who met with Abbas recently, "but don't expect him to be a 'moderate Palestinian' - he's a pragmatic one."
.
Equally important, Abbas has his own channels to militant groups, especially Hamas, which is powerful in Gaza. When he was prime minister, he worked out a short-lived cease-fire with them and the Israelis. "Hamas respects Abu Mazen," Beilin said.
.
But Hamas has its own demands in the new collective leadership. It has been asking, at least in Gaza, for a monopoly on the education system, for a requirement that women wear veils and for autonomy in the mosques, so that the Palestinian Authority can no longer replace imams.
.
Those are the kinds of internal issues that Abbas will face, Western hopes for final peace settlements aside, and how he responds to them will be watched very closely by Palestinians and Israelis.
.
Abbas is not a natural politician, however. He is described by associates as easily offended, one reason that he stayed away from politics, never becoming a legislator or a minister before the job of prime minister was created and became his. It is also why he has no wider political or local base among ordinary Palestinians.
.
Abbas was an early Palestinian voice advocating negotiations with Israel and an eventual recognition of it. He initiated dialogue with Jewish and pacifist movements in the 1970s, pushed for a two-state solution, coordinated negotiations at the Madrid conference and headed the Palestinian delegation in secret talks with the Israelis and Beilin that led to the 1993 Oslo accords.
.
Beilin said, "A lot depends on the good will of Israel, and whether we want to help the moderate leadership or not. We didn't before."
.
Raanan Gissin, an adviser to Sharon, said Israel was aware of the opportunities. "Down the road at least there's some reason for hope," he said. "We won't do anything to hamper or torpedo any emerging leader who wants to change the course."
.
http://www.cnn.com/interactive/world/0304/palestine.cabinet.list/gallery.mahmoud.abbas.jpg
Um adversário do terrorismo à frente da Palestina? (http://www.iht.com/articles/2004/11/07/news/abbas.html)
JERUSALEM Mahmoud Abbas wears a business suit, not a military uniform and kaffiyeh. He is a former elementary school teacher - studious, gracious, pragmatic and opposed to terrorism. He is also tough enough to have been Yasser Arafat's No. 2 for many years in the Palestine Liberation Organization, now becoming his probable successor.
.
In many ways, he was a crucial Arafat adviser, one of the few Palestinians who studied Israeli history and politics, even as some regarded him as a traitor for doing so. "He studies issues intellectually and then tries to draw political conclusions," said Yossi Beilin, an Israeli politician who negotiated the draft of a peace treaty with Abbas.
.
Abbas has criticized the current intifada openly as "a complete destruction of everything we built," having said in June, "We call upon all factions to end the attacks as we wish to take the path toward negotiation. We seek a dialogue that will bring calm."
.
Reluctantly, in March 2003, he accepted the new post of prime minister of the Palestinian Authority because Arafat and the United States wanted him to. It was a vain effort by outsiders to dilute Arafat's power, but Arafat, never a fool when power is at stake, undermined Abbas from the start, helped by the Israeli prime minister, Ariel Sharon, and Abbas quit in disgust four months later. He even quit the central committee of Fatah, Arafat's faction in the Palestine Liberation Organization.
.
A joke at the time has Arafat and Abbas in a car, and Arafat keeps warning him, "Watch out!" Finally, Abbas complains: "But you're driving!"
.
Now Arafat is apparently on his deathbed and Abbas, also known as Abu Mazen, is moving into the driver's seat. He is placing the current prime minister, Ahmed Qurei, or Abu Ala, next to him.
.
It will be an enormous test for both, but it is Abbas, 69, who will be the most visible Palestinian leader - and the one with the most clout, once he takes over, as expected, as the chairman of the PLO and Fatah, its largest faction.
.
As decent and thoughtful as he is, Beilin warned, Abbas has strong views about the right of the Palestinians to share Jerusalem and about the fair treatment of Palestinian refugees from 1948. To secure his position, Abbas cannot appear to be weaker than Arafat on central questions of Palestinian identity and self-respect. "Abu Mazen is good for the peace camps on both sides," said Beilin, who met with Abbas recently, "but don't expect him to be a 'moderate Palestinian' - he's a pragmatic one."
.
Equally important, Abbas has his own channels to militant groups, especially Hamas, which is powerful in Gaza. When he was prime minister, he worked out a short-lived cease-fire with them and the Israelis. "Hamas respects Abu Mazen," Beilin said.
.
But Hamas has its own demands in the new collective leadership. It has been asking, at least in Gaza, for a monopoly on the education system, for a requirement that women wear veils and for autonomy in the mosques, so that the Palestinian Authority can no longer replace imams.
.
Those are the kinds of internal issues that Abbas will face, Western hopes for final peace settlements aside, and how he responds to them will be watched very closely by Palestinians and Israelis.
.
Abbas is not a natural politician, however. He is described by associates as easily offended, one reason that he stayed away from politics, never becoming a legislator or a minister before the job of prime minister was created and became his. It is also why he has no wider political or local base among ordinary Palestinians.
.
Abbas was an early Palestinian voice advocating negotiations with Israel and an eventual recognition of it. He initiated dialogue with Jewish and pacifist movements in the 1970s, pushed for a two-state solution, coordinated negotiations at the Madrid conference and headed the Palestinian delegation in secret talks with the Israelis and Beilin that led to the 1993 Oslo accords.
.
.
Beilin said, "A lot depends on the good will of Israel, and whether we want to help the moderate leadership or not. We didn't before."
.
Raanan Gissin, an adviser to Sharon, said Israel was aware of the opportunities. "Down the road at least there's some reason for hope," he said. "We won't do anything to hamper or torpedo any emerging leader who wants to change the course."
.
JERUSALEM Mahmoud Abbas wears a business suit, not a military uniform and kaffiyeh. He is a former elementary school teacher - studious, gracious, pragmatic and opposed to terrorism. He is also tough enough to have been Yasser Arafat's No. 2 for many years in the Palestine Liberation Organization, now becoming his probable successor.
.
In many ways, he was a crucial Arafat adviser, one of the few Palestinians who studied Israeli history and politics, even as some regarded him as a traitor for doing so. "He studies issues intellectually and then tries to draw political conclusions," said Yossi Beilin, an Israeli politician who negotiated the draft of a peace treaty with Abbas.
.
Abbas has criticized the current intifada openly as "a complete destruction of everything we built," having said in June, "We call upon all factions to end the attacks as we wish to take the path toward negotiation. We seek a dialogue that will bring calm."
.
Reluctantly, in March 2003, he accepted the new post of prime minister of the Palestinian Authority because Arafat and the United States wanted him to. It was a vain effort by outsiders to dilute Arafat's power, but Arafat, never a fool when power is at stake, undermined Abbas from the start, helped by the Israeli prime minister, Ariel Sharon, and Abbas quit in disgust four months later. He even quit the central committee of Fatah, Arafat's faction in the Palestine Liberation Organization.
.
A joke at the time has Arafat and Abbas in a car, and Arafat keeps warning him, "Watch out!" Finally, Abbas complains: "But you're driving!"
.
Now Arafat is apparently on his deathbed and Abbas, also known as Abu Mazen, is moving into the driver's seat. He is placing the current prime minister, Ahmed Qurei, or Abu Ala, next to him.
.
It will be an enormous test for both, but it is Abbas, 69, who will be the most visible Palestinian leader - and the one with the most clout, once he takes over, as expected, as the chairman of the PLO and Fatah, its largest faction.
.
As decent and thoughtful as he is, Beilin warned, Abbas has strong views about the right of the Palestinians to share Jerusalem and about the fair treatment of Palestinian refugees from 1948. To secure his position, Abbas cannot appear to be weaker than Arafat on central questions of Palestinian identity and self-respect. "Abu Mazen is good for the peace camps on both sides," said Beilin, who met with Abbas recently, "but don't expect him to be a 'moderate Palestinian' - he's a pragmatic one."
.
Equally important, Abbas has his own channels to militant groups, especially Hamas, which is powerful in Gaza. When he was prime minister, he worked out a short-lived cease-fire with them and the Israelis. "Hamas respects Abu Mazen," Beilin said.
.
But Hamas has its own demands in the new collective leadership. It has been asking, at least in Gaza, for a monopoly on the education system, for a requirement that women wear veils and for autonomy in the mosques, so that the Palestinian Authority can no longer replace imams.
.
Those are the kinds of internal issues that Abbas will face, Western hopes for final peace settlements aside, and how he responds to them will be watched very closely by Palestinians and Israelis.
.
Abbas is not a natural politician, however. He is described by associates as easily offended, one reason that he stayed away from politics, never becoming a legislator or a minister before the job of prime minister was created and became his. It is also why he has no wider political or local base among ordinary Palestinians.
.
Abbas was an early Palestinian voice advocating negotiations with Israel and an eventual recognition of it. He initiated dialogue with Jewish and pacifist movements in the 1970s, pushed for a two-state solution, coordinated negotiations at the Madrid conference and headed the Palestinian delegation in secret talks with the Israelis and Beilin that led to the 1993 Oslo accords.
.
.
Beilin said, "A lot depends on the good will of Israel, and whether we want to help the moderate leadership or not. We didn't before."
.
Raanan Gissin, an adviser to Sharon, said Israel was aware of the opportunities. "Down the road at least there's some reason for hope," he said. "We won't do anything to hamper or torpedo any emerging leader who wants to change the course."
.
JERUSALEM Mahmoud Abbas wears a business suit, not a military uniform and kaffiyeh. He is a former elementary school teacher - studious, gracious, pragmatic and opposed to terrorism. He is also tough enough to have been Yasser Arafat's No. 2 for many years in the Palestine Liberation Organization, now becoming his probable successor.
.
In many ways, he was a crucial Arafat adviser, one of the few Palestinians who studied Israeli history and politics, even as some regarded him as a traitor for doing so. "He studies issues intellectually and then tries to draw political conclusions," said Yossi Beilin, an Israeli politician who negotiated the draft of a peace treaty with Abbas.
.
Abbas has criticized the current intifada openly as "a complete destruction of everything we built," having said in June, "We call upon all factions to end the attacks as we wish to take the path toward negotiation. We seek a dialogue that will bring calm."
.
Reluctantly, in March 2003, he accepted the new post of prime minister of the Palestinian Authority because Arafat and the United States wanted him to. It was a vain effort by outsiders to dilute Arafat's power, but Arafat, never a fool when power is at stake, undermined Abbas from the start, helped by the Israeli prime minister, Ariel Sharon, and Abbas quit in disgust four months later. He even quit the central committee of Fatah, Arafat's faction in the Palestine Liberation Organization.
.
A joke at the time has Arafat and Abbas in a car, and Arafat keeps warning him, "Watch out!" Finally, Abbas complains: "But you're driving!"
.
Now Arafat is apparently on his deathbed and Abbas, also known as Abu Mazen, is moving into the driver's seat. He is placing the current prime minister, Ahmed Qurei, or Abu Ala, next to him.
.
It will be an enormous test for both, but it is Abbas, 69, who will be the most visible Palestinian leader - and the one with the most clout, once he takes over, as expected, as the chairman of the PLO and Fatah, its largest faction.
.
As decent and thoughtful as he is, Beilin warned, Abbas has strong views about the right of the Palestinians to share Jerusalem and about the fair treatment of Palestinian refugees from 1948. To secure his position, Abbas cannot appear to be weaker than Arafat on central questions of Palestinian identity and self-respect. "Abu Mazen is good for the peace camps on both sides," said Beilin, who met with Abbas recently, "but don't expect him to be a 'moderate Palestinian' - he's a pragmatic one."
.
Equally important, Abbas has his own channels to militant groups, especially Hamas, which is powerful in Gaza. When he was prime minister, he worked out a short-lived cease-fire with them and the Israelis. "Hamas respects Abu Mazen," Beilin said.
.
But Hamas has its own demands in the new collective leadership. It has been asking, at least in Gaza, for a monopoly on the education system, for a requirement that women wear veils and for autonomy in the mosques, so that the Palestinian Authority can no longer replace imams.
.
Those are the kinds of internal issues that Abbas will face, Western hopes for final peace settlements aside, and how he responds to them will be watched very closely by Palestinians and Israelis.
.
Abbas is not a natural politician, however. He is described by associates as easily offended, one reason that he stayed away from politics, never becoming a legislator or a minister before the job of prime minister was created and became his. It is also why he has no wider political or local base among ordinary Palestinians.
.
Abbas was an early Palestinian voice advocating negotiations with Israel and an eventual recognition of it. He initiated dialogue with Jewish and pacifist movements in the 1970s, pushed for a two-state solution, coordinated negotiations at the Madrid conference and headed the Palestinian delegation in secret talks with the Israelis and Beilin that led to the 1993 Oslo accords.
.
Beilin said, "A lot depends on the good will of Israel, and whether we want to help the moderate leadership or not. We didn't before."
.
Raanan Gissin, an adviser to Sharon, said Israel was aware of the opportunities. "Down the road at least there's some reason for hope," he said. "We won't do anything to hamper or torpedo any emerging leader who wants to change the course."
.
http://www.cnn.com/interactive/world/0304/palestine.cabinet.list/gallery.mahmoud.abbas.jpg